Suchergebnisse

On the 1st of September 2019, the Council of Europe Convention against the Manipulation of Sports Competitions entered into force. This official mandate appears to confirm the significance of the issue on the political agenda. For sports governance bodies, the problem is one of the biggest threats against the integrity and sustainability of their industry. Despite this political-institutional situation, the phenomenon still remains under-studied in the academic world and several authors have emphasized the need for more and better empirical research to verify the premises (sometimes unfounded) on which the official preventive narrative of the problem is built. This special issue, Deconstructing Match-fixing, comes to light to address this issue. Systematizing the evidence presented along the contributions, this introductory article attempts to dispel some 'myths' in the official preventive narrative, offers some lessons for a better understanding of the phenomenon, and promotes recommendations for establishing more evidence-based public policies and educational campaigns. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Citizen security has become one of the main topics in Latin American political science. Despite the abundant literature on the subject, a genealogical tour of this discursive tradition reveals a number of cognitive limitations. There is a prevalence of technical thinking that creates a supposedly apolitical narrative when it comes to combating violence and eliminates the possibility of a political debate that does not focus only on the objective violent event but rather on understanding the scope of the good life. In this respect, this paper seeks to review the criteria of veracity of contemporary society as focuses of malaise.

This paper shows the cognitive and educational limitations of the official institutional discourse to combat match-fixing in football. Recently, after reaching the political and sports' institutional agendas, several reports have been published and official prevention campaigns have been launched to fight against the phenomenon. These documents can be understood as an official preventive narrative on the subject. The discursive analysis of the 'nodal points' in which this narrative is based displays a lack of holistic awareness of the problem. Many discursive variables that should be part of the diagnoses are avoided. Likewise, the narrative is presented with a universal character, yet the Iberian cases present evidences that contradict it. Based on interviews to key informants and media clipping, this paper shows that these preventive and educational messages produced by international institutions and sport organizations are not useful in Portugal or Spain because they don't show the reality about this phenomenon. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

El trabajo busca una reinterpretación de lo político a través de la enumeración de una serie de ideas axiomatizadas que podrían estar perpetuando el malestar social e impidiendo el pensar genuino en la ciencia política. La retórica clásica junto al pensar complejo brindan herramientas útiles para educar al ciudadano dando cuenta de la naturaleza interna de la razón, analizando sus imaginarios y preparándolo para una vida política que comienza con su propio autogobierno. La política, desde aquí, se entiende no como una guerra constante, sino como la construcción contingente del vínculo social y la gestión de envidias, pesares, rencores y ambiciones desmedidas. La diferenciación entre la racionalidad y la racionalización posibilita la (re)sedimentación del juicio como virtud necesaria para la consolidación de la democracia y de una mejor educación política ciudadana.

El trabajo analiza los imaginarios políticos en los discursos ofciales en torno a las reformas de la administración pública en Argentina, Chile y Uruguay, en la década del noventa. Los conceptos técnicos en los que se basan los nuevos modos de gestión no signifcan por sí mismos y dependen de sistemas de ideas más amplios, que incluyen el signifcado de la democracia y del Estado, sedimentado en cada caso particular. Conceptos derivados de la escuela del análisis de discursos, como hegemonía, puntos nodales y sedimentación, permiten ver las estrategias de construcción de la realidad simbólica y determinar lo hacible y tolerable en cada cultura política. La elección de realidades limitadas, resumidas a las instituciones formales, es una constante en los casos analizados, lo que explica por qué las reformas fueron inefcaces para eliminar prácticas culturales habituales como el clientelismo.

WOS:000300833400009 (Nº de Acesso Web of Science) ; The Chilean civil service is considered one of the most efficient in Latin America. However, different studies describe the informal institutions that operate between the Legislative Power and the bureaucracy to fill positions in the public administration. Although some of these clientelistic practices are against the law, they have been accepted and defended in both the political and scientific spheres. Legality is not considered an important value if certain indexes have a positive development. In this context, it is important to study how corruption and clientelism have been ignored, or hidden, through political discourses and technical reports about the situation of bureaucracy. All of this allows a better understanding of why after 20 years of administrative reforms there are damaging practices which negatively affect democracy that have not been eradicated.

The growth of the online sports betting market has generated new risk areas and threats to sport integrity, such as match-fixing. In recent years, institutional concern to fight against the phenomenon has been intensified and a set of countermeasures has been adopted. One of the most widely implemented measures to protect integrity in sport is to ban athletes and sports players from betting on the competitions in which they are involved. In some countries, such as Portugal, this practice has become a crime under the new legislation. Despite the legal and sporting restrictions and the prevention programmes carried out for sport institutions to explain the gambling rules, there are many athletes who are putting bets on their own competitions and even in their own games. Through interviews with key informant actors and ethnographic fieldwork, this article describes betting patterns among sports actors in Portugal and explains the perceptions and incentives that lead them to bet in their own sports, competitions and games. The results show different conceptions of integrity between the normative discourse on legal and sport governance institutions and sports actors' opinion, essentially, the premise that suggest a direct link between betting on one's own games and manipulation of these games. In some cases, betting in one's own games helps to strengthen fair play values. However, the spreading of online betting, together with the perception of inefficient controls in the implementation of sporting and legal regulations, creates opportunity structures for fixing matches and taking financial profit though gambling activities. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Tras una transición democrática pactada, donde permanecieron importantes enclaves autoritarios, la clase política chilena debió auto-legitimarse discursivamente ante una sociedad que veía cómo el nuevo régimen democrático guardaba importantes líneas de continuidad con la dictadura. A partir del análisis de discurso, este trabajo analiza cómo la lucha contra la pobreza y la desigualdad se convirtieron en factores legitimadores del accionar de la nueva clase política durante los gobiernos de la Concertación, al incorporar nuevas ideas sobre el rol del Estado y la democracia. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

La piratería, el contrabando y la producción de marihuana en Paraguay, marcaron su actividad dentro de lo ilícito. Uno de los casos más extremos sucede en la ciudad de Pedro Juan Caballero, fronteriza con Ponta Porã, Brasil. Aquella localidad se impuso como un claro ejemplo de coexistencia de la racionalidad legal, las reglas neo-patrimonialistas y la rivalidad entre grupos internacionales del narcotráfico. Lejos de tratarse de un problema de ausencia de Estado, la expansión del tráfico de drogas estuvo enmarcada en un tipo de orden clandestino, propiciado desde la legalidad –políticos, policias, funcionarios públicos–, que produjo roles y normas de convivencia social. A través de entrevistas cualitativas con cuatro informantes clave –un politico nacional, una autoridad local y dos exagentes antidrogas– se investigó la lógica de dicho orden, realizando un análisis del surgimiento y la consolidación del narcotráfico en Pedro Juan Caballero. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Latin America has experienced a series of recent corruption scandals, resulting in an unprecedented uncertainty in political leadership across the whole region. Within this context, we have conducted a survey study comprising 9 countries in Latin America (n=1,250) examining the stereotype content of politicians. We tested a dual effects model in which the stereotypes of politicians were predicted to shape perceptions of justice directly and indirectly through the activation of affect. Our findings revealed that politicians tended to be stereotyped with negative morality traits and with a certain degree of negativity across other stereotype dimensions. Results supported a positive direct effect of morality on perceived justice and a positive indirect effect through the activation of affect. We discuss the implications of these findings for the current political context in Latin America and also for our understanding of perceptions about politicians and their relationship with leader and power legitimacy.